Wednesday, November 21, 2018

The Injustice of Siwatu Ra’s Imprisonment and the Relentless Logic of Mass Incarceration

A story can defy belief and appear ordinary at the same time. This is such a story. Siwatu Ra, a twenty-five-year-old woman with no prior criminal record, was sentenced by a Detroit court, in March, to two years in prison on felonious assault and felony firearm charges, after brandishing a gun at another woman during an argument. Ra maintained that she pointed the gun in defense of herself, her mother, and her two-year-old daughter; her gun was unloaded and licensed, and she has a concealed-carry permit in Michigan, which is an open-carry, Stand Your Ground state. Ra was incarcerated as soon as she was sentenced, even though she appealed her conviction, and even though she was nearing her third trimester of pregnancy. Three months later, she gave birth in St. Joseph Mercy Hospital, in Ann Arbor, in the presence of four armed guards. Her son was taken from her two days later.
Ra is a prominent environmental activist, and her case became a cause for much of the activist community in Detroit. Last Wednesday, eight and a half months after Ra was imprisoned, a judge finally ordered her to be released on bond, pending the outcome of her appeal. Her release, and the campaign to free Ra, were the unusual aspects of the case. Otherwise, every step along the way, the system functioned exactly as it usually does—and as it is designed to work.
The story begins on July 16, 2017, at the house of Ra’s mother, Rhonda Anderson, who was a Sierra Club organizer for eighteen years and is a den mother to many Detroit activists. Ra was visiting that day with her two-year-old daughter, Zala. Also present was Ra’s teen-age niece N’Deye, who lives in the house. A schoolmate of N’Deye’s came over, intending to spend the night; the adults of the house did not want her there, because the girls had recently had an altercation at school. The girl’s mother, Chanell Harvey, came to pick her up, and that is when a conflict occurred between her and Ra.
Some facts are not in dispute. Whatever happened took place in front of the house, where Zala was playing inside Ra’s parked car. It involved Harvey bumping Ra’s car with her own, although there is disagreement about when and why this occurred. (Harvey claims that she hit the car by accident while attempting to drive away.) Ra pulled her licensed handgun out of her vehicle and pointed it at Harvey to force her to leave—the sides agree on this fact, and it’s uncontested that the gun was not loaded. Anderson told me that, before Ra brandished the gun, Harvey revved her engine and brought her car within inches of her. After Ra took out the gun, Harvey snapped a couple of photos with her phone and left.
Both women went to the police. Harvey went immediately after the incident; Ra went a couple of hours later, after she had dropped off Zala at home. Ra was charged with assault and released on a fifteen-thousand-dollar bond. Ra faced a jury trial; the jury was not told that a conviction for a felony firearm charge would carry a mandatory two-year sentence. Nor did the jury know that Harvey had thrice been convicted of felonies, including assault with a shotgun.
The sentencing was scheduled for March 1st. As several people have recounted to me, all of activist Detroit seemed to come to the courthouse that day, filling the courtroom and spilling out into the hallway. Ra has been an environmental activist since she was fifteen years old; she worked as a youth organizer in Detroit neighborhoods and schools, and has taken part in protests as far away as Paris, during the 2015 global climate talks, with her baby Zala strapped to her. Some activists wonder if the show of support in the courtroom might have made the judge, Thomas Hathaway, less sympathetic to Ra. The judge had no discretion over the length of the mandatory sentence. But Ra was six months pregnant, and the defense asked that either the sentencing or the sentence itself be deferred until after she gave birth. Hathaway denied these requests.
Ra told me that, after she was sentenced, she spent the night in the Wayne County Jail. The next day, she was driven to the Huron Valley Correctional Facility, a women’s prison about half an hour outside of Detroit. Like all inmates, she was at first placed in quarantine. For the first three days, she was confined to a dimly lit, cold cell, with a single bunk with dangerous rusty edges. She was allowed no phone calls or mail. She was given a Bible; Ra is Muslim, and asked for a Koran, but she received no response, she said. “Most of the time I didn’t even know what time of the day it was until it was nighttime,” Ra told me. “I just lay on the bunk looking up at the little window, praying at the moon.”
After a week, she was allowed to go to the chow hall for meals with other inmates. She graduated to a two-person cell in a hallway of forty such cells. For an hour each day, inmates were allowed to leave their cells, and this was when all of them tried to use one of four payphones or the single computer available for sending e-mails to family members. This was when Ra first saw a fight break out between inmates, when both wanted to get to the computer. A few of the women on the floor were pregnant.

Video From The New Yorker

A Century in Detroit

After three weeks, Ra told me, she was transferred to the unit for pregnant and postpartum women. She had developed an infection while in quarantine and went to the health unit to ask for help. “I saw a woman who I’d seen in quarantine,” she told me. “She was nine months pregnant when I saw her, and now she was no longer pregnant. I asked her, and she said the baby was still at the hospital: she couldn’t take it home, and now it was a ward of the state. I became so upset that I started to have an asthma attack, because I knew I was next.” She went into labor; she was twenty-nine weeks pregnant. When the ambulance came, she said, prison officials insisted on performing a strip search before she was taken off the premises. “Even the E.M.T.s were upset with the prison,” she said. “They were yelling, ‘We have to get her out, she is in active labor, her blood pressure is too high and the baby’s heart rate is falling.’ ” She was taken to the hospital in handcuffs and leg irons.
Ra was hospitalized for three days—the doctors succeeded in stopping her labor—and returned to prison. She eventually delivered a full-term baby boy, with four armed guards in bullet-proof vests looking on. No family members were allowed to be present, but Ra told me that a dozen medical personnel piled into the room, some of them for the sole purpose of showing sympathy and support. She returned to prison after forty-eight hours. Her husband, Kamal Muhammad, picked up the baby from the hospital after Ra was discharged. For the next five and a half months, he brought both of the children to see Ra in prison twice a week. “You should see that visiting room,” Anderson, Ra’s mother, told me. “It’s the happiest place and the saddest place. It’s moms and their children, and moms and moms, and husbands.”
Being separated from her children was by far the most punishing aspect of incarceration. “In one of our conversations, she said, ‘Mommy, my body yearns for my children, my brain searches for my children,’ ” Anderson told me last week. “I’d never heard anyone put it that way, and the first thing I thought about were the immigrants. I just read that a hundred and forty-one children may never be reunited. We’ve already sentenced them to a lifetime of hell. We’ve got this history of doing this to indigenous people, to African-Americans. This isn’t a fluke. This is what we do to inflict pain.”
On the outside, a team of activists and lawyers were working on Ra’s behalf. “Free Siwatu” buttons and posters could be spotted all over Detroit. The bureaucracy churned with excruciating slowness. It wasn’t until October that a judge heard Ra’s plea for a release on bond pending the outcome of her appeal—and denied it. An appeals court vacated the decision earlier this month, suggesting, in a strongly worded order, that the lower-court judge had used circular logic. “Conviction of the crime alone is not a sufficient basis” for denying bond, the order stated. On November 14th, Judge Donald Knapp finally ordered Ra released on a fifteen-thousand-dollar bond. This decision was as logical as it was unusual: usually, once a person has landed behind bars, she will stay there until the end of her sentence. In fact, no one seemed to know quite how the process should work in Ra’s case, and her lawyer and his clerk ran around trying to arrange the payment, the documentation, and the electronic tether bracelet ordered by the judge.
On Wednesday afternoon, a half-dozen different cars pulled into the lot at Huron Valley: Ra’s lawyer, friends, and family came to see her get released. She came out wearing a sky-blue prison-issue sweatsuit and carrying a giant box of letters that she had received while in prison. She hugged her lawyer, Wade Fink, first, handed him the heavy box, and then embraced her mother. Ra’s husband, with the two children in the backseat, was the last to arrive. Ra opened a back door and stood looking at the baby in his car seat as she held Zala, who stayed very still, as though shell-shocked, and the group debated where they should go to celebrate: Olive Garden, Taco Bell, or Red Lobster.
Fink had taken over Ra’s case from the lawyer who represented her at trial. He recounts the story of the case to me as a litany of denials; to him, the unifying thread of this narrative was the “cavalier administration of justice.” No one, it seemed, was interested in determining whether Ra’s behavior in the front yard of her mother’s house had constituted self-defense, whether she was a danger to her community, or whether the harm done by having her give birth while incarcerated and then separating her from her child was in any way justified. The overarching logic of the process was the logic of mass incarceration: once the machine started churning, it was nearly impossible to stop. The logic of mandatory sentencing turns the judge into a representative of the bureaucracy; discretion shifts to the police and prosecutors who have the power to frame cases in terms that trigger mandatory sentences. Because lawyers and defendants understand that power rests with the prosecutors, more than ninety per cent of cases in the country never go to trial—they end in plea deals, which further cements the power of the prosecution.
Ra’s sentence remains in effect. If her appeal is denied, she will have to serve the remaining year and three months. If the appellate court overturns her conviction, she will have spent eight and a half months behind bars, and given birth to a child who was taken away from her within forty-eight hours, simply because such was the logic of the incarceration machine.
For her part, though, Ra has followed her principle of trying to leave any place better than she found it. During her time in the Huron Valley facility, she mounted successful campaigns for securing Muslim inmates rights to receive copies of the Koran, to purchase hijabs, and to be given fresh, warm food after sundown during Ramadan, among other things. (That Ra had to fight for these things is all the more remarkable given that the Detroit area is home to one of the largest Muslim populations in the United States.) She also fought to protect the rights of women giving birth while incarcerated. Among the difficulties she faced was the cost of procuring a copy of pregnancy-related prison rules, as the facility charged a fee for it. Once the women had a copy, they passed it around and tried to memorize their rights and develop strategies for securing them. Ra, for example, discovered that, according to the rules, postpartum women were not supposed to be shackled and handcuffed until after they had showered, even though, she said, guards generally attempted to put restraints on women as soon as the birthing process was over. “So I told women not to shower,” Ra told me. “Better to sit there smelly holding your baby than to sit there shackled holding your baby.”

The New Yorker

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