Friday, May 05, 2017

What’s the Matter With Europe?




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French voters on Sunday will choose between Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen for president. Credit Philippe Lopez/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

On Sunday France will hold its presidential runoff. Most observers expect Emmanuel Macron, a centrist, to defeat Marine Le Pen, the white nationalist — please, let’s stop dignifying this stuff by calling it “populism.” And I’m pretty sure that Times rules allow me to state directly that I very much hope the conventional wisdom is right. A Le Pen victory would be a disaster for Europe and the world.
Yet I also think it’s fair to ask a couple of questions about what’s going on. First, how did things get to this point? Second, would a Le Pen defeat be anything more than a temporary reprieve from the ongoing European crisis?
Some background: Like everyone on this side of the Atlantic, I can’t help seeing France in part through Trump-colored glasses. But it’s important to realize that the parallels between French and American politics exist despite big differences in underlying economic and social trends.
To begin, while France gets an amazing amount of bad press — much of it coming from ideologues who insist that generous welfare states must have disastrous effects — it’s actually a fairly successful economy. Believe it or not, French adults in their prime working years (25 to 54) are substantially more likely than their U.S. counterparts to be gainfully employed.
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They’re also just about equally productive. It’s true that the French over all produce about a quarter less per person then we do — but that’s mainly because they take more vacations and retire younger, which are not obviously terrible things.
And while France, like almost everyone, has seen a gradual decline in manufacturing jobs, it never experienced anything quite like the “China shock” that sent U.S. manufacturing employment off a cliff in the early 2000s.
Meanwhile, against the background of this not-great-but-not-terrible economy, France offers a social safety net beyond the wildest dreams of U.S. progressives: guaranteed high-quality health care for all, generous paid leave for new parents, universal pre-K, and much more.
Last but not least, France — perhaps because of these policy differences, perhaps for other reasons — isn’t experiencing anything comparable to the social collapse that seems to be afflicting much of white America. Yes, France has big social problems; who doesn’t? But it shows little sign of the surge in “deaths of despair” — mortality from drugs, alcohol and suicide — that Anne Case and Angus Deaton have shown to be taking place in the U.S. white working class.
In short, France is hardly a utopia, but by most standards it is offering its citizens a fairly decent life. So why are so many willing to vote for — again, let’s not use euphemisms — a racist extremist?
There are, no doubt, multiple reasons, especially cultural anxiety over Islamic immigrants. But it seems clear that votes for Le Pen will in part be votes of protest against what are perceived as the highhanded, out-of-touch officials running the European Union. And that perception unfortunately has an element of truth.
Those of us who watched European institutions deal with the debt crisis that began in Greece and spread across much of Europe were shocked at the combination of callousness and arrogance that prevailed throughout.
Even though Brussels and Berlin were wrong again and again about the economics — even though the austerity they imposed was every bit as economically disastrous as critics warned — they continued to act as if they knew all the answers, that any suffering along the way was, in effect, necessary punishment for past sins.
Politically, Eurocrats got away with this behavior because small nations were easy to bully, too terrified of being cut off from euro financing to stand up to unreasonable demands. But Europe’s elite will be making a terrible mistake if it believes it can behave the same way to bigger players.
Indeed, there are already intimations of disaster in the negotiations now taking place between the European Union and Britain.
I wish Britons hadn’t voted for Brexit, which will make Europe weaker and their own country poorer. But E.U. officials are sounding more and more like a jilted spouse determined to extract maximum damages in a divorce settlement. And this is just plain insane. Like it or not, Europe will have to live with post-Brexit Britain, and Greece-style bullying just isn’t going to work on a nation as big, rich and proud as the U.K.
Which brings me back to the French election. We should be terrified at the possibility of a Le Pen victory. But we should also be worried that a Macron victory will be taken by Brussels and Berlin to mean that Brexit was an aberration, that European voters can always be intimidated into going along with what their betters say is necessary.
So let’s be clear: Even if the worst is avoided this Sunday, all the European elite will get is a time-limited chance to mend its ways.
NYT

Tuesday, May 02, 2017

Ourselves

Each one of us grows in a family, and then a society. There are many of those. Nevertheless we are born with a temperament and keep changing as we learn more. The more we look to the past, the more what is in our memory and what actually is in the places we once were, is different.

Right now both my parents are not where they were, and how I remember them, now my children have taken their place in my family memory location. If life goes as is likely, they will look back years from now, and their parents won't be around, but maybe new affections will take our places. With physical objects is even more noticeable, I am writing this in the library, because of some breakdowns in my home hardware. I have like twenty minutes, out of one hour,  used up, in this equipment.

I am conscious of my body, and a few things, and people around me. To perform some of the tasks we usually do, consciousness is not necessary. Computers can do calculations and they do not know arithmetic.

My purpose in life is to maintain my consciousness, and that of my beloved ones moving forward.

Influential Republican Attacks Party’s New Health Care Bill




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Speaker Paul D. Ryan arrived for a Republican caucus meeting at the Capitol on Tuesday. Credit Cliff Owen/Associated Press

WASHINGTON — The former chairman of one of the House committees that drafted legislation to repeal and replace large parts of the Affordable Care Act came out against a new version of the bill on Tuesday, saying the measure now “torpedoes” protections for people with pre-existing medical conditions.
Representative Fred Upton of Michigan, who chaired the House Energy and Commerce Committee as the Affordable Care Act repeal movement built steam, declared on a local radio show, “I cannot support the bill with this provision in it,” just as House Speaker Paul D. Ryan was insisting that the legislation would protect the sick.
The loss of Mr. Upton, an influential Republican voice on health care, was a huge blow, and it came as Republican leaders faced an onslaught of advocacy groups, political attack ads and even a late-night talk show host, Jimmy Kimmel, saying the bill would harm the nation’s most vulnerable citizens.
A tearful Mr. Kimmel on Monday night offered up the story of his infant son’s near-death heart surgery, followed by an appeal to Congress not to undermine the Affordable Care Act’s ban on discrimination against people with pre-existing medical conditions. After Mr. Kimmel’s monologue went viral on the Internet, former President Barack Obama piled on, tweeting:


Mr. Upton was explicit: The concessions made to win over the hard-line conservatives in the House Freedom Caucus were costing the leadership support from more moderate Republicans.
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“I’m not at all comfortable with removing that protection,” Mr. Upton said of the pre-existing condition concession.

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Which Republicans Will Vote No? What 6 News Organizations Are Reporting

Negotiations over the G.O.P. health care replacement bill are continuing. Here, we compile six news organizations’ estimates of the vote count.
OPEN Graphic

President Trump, whose advisers have been pressing aggressively for a vote on the health care overhaul, seemed oblivious to the latest setback for the measure on Tuesday. “How’s health care coming folks, how’s it doing — alright?” Mr. Trump said, addressing Republican lawmakers attending a trophy award ceremony in the White House Rose Garden for the United States Air Force Academy’s football team. “We’re moving along? It think it’s time now, right?”
No response was audible from those in attendance, but the president addressed the rest of the crowd, adding, “They know it’s time.”
Mr. Ryan insisted that Republicans were “making very good progress with our members,” but he offered no indication of when a vote might be held on the measure. Trump administration officials have said a vote could come as early as Wednesday, but as House Republican leaders scrambled to assemble a majority, a quick vote appeared unlikely.
“There are a few layers of protections for pre-existing conditions in this bill,” Mr. Ryan said at a news conference. “What’s important is we want to have a situation where people can afford their health insurance. We want to have a situation where people have a choice of health insurers. That’s not happening in Obamacare.”
Mr. Ryan and his fellow Republican leaders, under intense pressure from the White House, are struggling to round up the support for a revised version of their bill to repeal and replace President Barack Obama’s signature domestic achievement.

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Representative Fred Upton, Republican of Michigan. Credit Win McNamee/Getty Images

After the failure of their earlier repeal bill in March, they have held off moving forward with a vote while they try to build support for the updated measure.
At the heart of the debate is an amendment to the repeal bill proposed by Representative Tom MacArthur, Republican of New Jersey, with the blessing of House Republican leaders.
The amendment won over the hard-line House Freedom Caucus last week, in part by giving state governments the ability to apply for waivers from the existing law’s required “essential health benefits,” such as maternity, mental health and emergency care, and from rules that generally mandate the same rates for people of the same age, regardless of their medical conditions.
The MacArthur amendment has given pause to numerous moderate Republicans, in large part because of concerns over whether it would allow states to gut those consumer protections.
As Mr. Ryan was defending the plan, the Association of American Medical Colleges came out against it, joining the American Medical Association and a host of disease advocacy groups. Dr. Darrell G. Kirch, the president and chief executive of the medical colleges group, said the newest version of the repeal bill “dilutes protections for many Americans and would leave individuals with pre-existing conditions facing higher premiums and reduced access to vital care.”
Under the amendment, states could obtain a waiver from a provision of the Affordable Care Act that prohibits insurers from charging higher rates to people with pre-existing conditions.
With a waiver, states could permit insurers to charge higher premiums based on the “health status” of a person who had experienced a gap in coverage. To qualify for a waiver, a state would have to have an alternative mechanism such as a high-risk pool or a reinsurance program to provide or subsidize coverage for people with serious illnesses.
“States can’t leave people with pre-existing conditions high and dry,” Mr. MacArthur said Tuesday, defending his proposal. “They must have a risk pool, which would protect people from being priced out of the market.”
Mr. Ryan is struggling to win the public-relations battle over how his legislation would affect consumers.
On his TV show Monday, Mr. Kimmel delivered a tearful opening monologue in which he revealed that his newborn son had been found to have severe heart defects, and he went on to talk about the issue of pre-existing conditions.
“Whatever your party, whatever you believe, whoever you support, we need to make sure that the people who are supposed to represent us, the people who are meeting about this right now in Washington, understand that very clearly: Let’s stop with the nonsense,” Mr. Kimmel said. “This isn’t football. There are no teams. We are the team, it’s the United States. Don’t let their partisan squabbles divide us on something every decent person wants. We need to take care of each other.”
Both the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee and the Democratic super PAC American Bridge are running attack ads to undermine Republican support.

NYT

Monday, May 01, 2017

Michael Moore to Take Aim at Trump, on Broadway

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Michael Moore, who is planning to star in a one-man show, “The Terms of My Surrender,” on Broadway this summer. His agenda is loud and clear on an early poster for the show: “Can a Broadway show bring down a sitting president?” Credit Sara Krulwich/The New York Times
Michael Moore has brought his zeal, his humor and his outrage to film, television and books. And now he’s bringing them to Broadway.
This left-wing provocateur is not shy about his agenda, made explicit on a preliminary poster for the production, which poses the question, in all capital letters, “Can a Broadway show bring down a sitting president?”
His plan, he said, is to perform a scripted (but also responsive to the news) one-man (more-or-less) show, called “The Terms of My Surrender,” eight times a week for 12 weeks, starting in July. He said that the show would simultaneously be entertaining and infuriating — not stand-up comedy, not a TED Talk, not a rally — but “a very developed piece of entertainment for people who like to think.”
“It’s a humorous play about a country that’s just elected a madman — I mean, there’s really no other way to put it,” he said in an interview at Sardi’s, the theater district mainstay.
He was characteristically shlumpy, in an oversized black pullover hoodie and a red 49ers baseball cap; gracious to the passers-by who thanked him for his activism and asked for a handshake or a selfie; and thoughtful about theater, as he explained what a firebrand was doing amid the “Cats” crowd.
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“We’re 10 blocks from Trump Tower, we’re in the corporate capital of America, we’re in the financial capital of America, we’re in the media capital of America,” Mr. Moore said. “If one was going to stand on a stage and do the things that I’m going to do, there’s only one place to do it, and it’s here in this city and it’s right here at the epicenter of creative expression and free speech.”
He said that he had been thinking about trying his hand at theater for some time, but the election last year of Donald J. Trump as president — which Mr. Moore correctly predicted — provided an impetus to do it now. “Can something like this unravel an unhinged man?” he asked. “I think that discombobulation might be our most effective path to undoing his presidency.”
However, he said it was not solely about the current president. “To say it’s just about Trump would simplify it,” he said. “I think people will find themselves laughing one minute and wanting to go look for some pitchforks and torches the next.”
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Although Mr. Moore is a Broadway novice, “The Terms of My Surrender” has immediately attracted industry attention. The Shubert Organization has agreed to present it in the 1,018-seat Belasco Theater. Michael Mayer, a Tony winner for “Spring Awakening,” is the director, and David Rockwell, a Tony winner for “She Loves Me,” will design the set. The show’s lead producers are IMG Original Content, making its first stage venture, and Carole Shorenstein Hays, a frequent Broadway producer.
“I don’t know if I would call it a play; but it is a theater piece,’’ Mr. Mayer said. “There is going to be a certain amount of rabble-rousing. There’s a good chance we’ll have some surprise guests throughout the run, and some surprise postshow excursions that will vary night to night.”
Mr. Moore, 63, became famous as a documentary filmmaker, bursting into public consciousness with the groundbreaking “Roger and Me,” in 1989, about his hometown, Flint, Mich., and winning an Oscar in 2003 for “Bowling for Columbine.” His theatrical experience is limited — he starred in two plays in high school, and tested out some of his new material in London.
But he has an unexpected fondness for theater. As a child, he spent summers with relatives on Staten Island, and saw an occasional Broadway show, starting with “Fiddler on the Roof.” He has seen a lot of one-man and one-woman shows. He was even once mugged in Times Square. And he clearly believes in the power of theater to effect change.
“It was either this or the Ice Capades,” he said. “I’ve made my movies. I’ve had two prime-time TV series. I’ve had eight books on your best-seller lists. I’ve done a lot of things with the internet. But I haven’t done this.”

When Communism Inspired Americans


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A packed hall in 1947 for a speech by Eugene Dennis, a longtime leader of the Communist Party in the United States. Credit Patrick A. Burns/The New York Times

At a rally in New York City in 1962, the famously liberal journalist Murray Kempton said to an audience full of old Reds: “I have known many Communists in my life. I have not known them as criminals. I knew them once as activists — and we had our quarrels. But while this country has not been kind to you, it has been fortunate in having you. You have been arrested, you have been followed, you have had your phones bugged, you have had your children fired. Throughout this, I can think of numbers of you I have known who have remained gallant and pleasant and unbroken.” He added, “I salute you and I hope for times to be better.”
My mother was in the audience that night and said, when she came home: “America was fortunate to have had the Communists here. They, more than most, prodded the country into becoming the democracy it always said it was.”
My parents were working-class socialists. I grew up in the late 1940s and early ’50s thinking of them and their friends as what they themselves called “progressives.” The sociology of the progressive world was complex. At its center were full-time organizers for the Communist Party, at the periphery left-wing sympathizers, and at various points in between everything from rank-and-file party card holders to respected fellow travelers.
In my childhood, these distinctions did not exist for me. The people who came to our Bronx apartment or were present at the fund-raising parties we attended, the rallies we went to, and the May Day parades we marched in were all simply progressives. At the kitchen table they drank tea, ate black bread and herring, and talked “issues.” I understood nothing of what they said, but I was always excited by the richness of their rhetoric, the intensity of their arguments, the urgency and longing behind that hot river of words that came pouring ceaselessly from them.
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They were voyagers on that river, these plumbers, pressers and sewing machine operators; and they took with them on their journey not only their own narrow, impoverished experience but also a set of abstractions with transformative powers. When these people sat down to talk, Politics sat down with them, Ideas sat down with them; above all, History sat down with them. They spoke and thought within a context that lifted them out of the nameless, faceless obscurity into which they had been born, and gave them the conviction that they had rights as well as obligations. They were not simply the disinherited of the earth, they were proletarians with a founding myth of their own (the Russian Revolution) and a civilizing worldview (Marxism).
While it is true that thousands of people joined the Communist Party in those years because they were members of the hardscrabble working class (garment district Jews, West Virginia miners, California fruit pickers), it was even truer that many more thousands in the educated middle class (teachers, scientists, writers) joined because for them, too, the party was possessed of a moral authority that lent shape and substance, through its passion for structure and the eloquence of its rhetoric, to an urgent sense of social injustice.
Most Communists never set foot in party headquarters, laid eyes on a Central Committee member, or were privy to policy-making sessions. But every rank-and-filer knew that party unionists were crucial to the rise of industrial labor; party lawyers defended blacks in the South; party organizers lived, worked, and sometimes died with miners in Appalachia; farm workers in California; steel workers in Pittsburgh. What made it all real were the organizations the party built: the International Workers Order, the National Negro Congress, the Unemployment Councils. Whenever some new world catastrophe announced itself throughout the Depression and World War II, The Daily Worker sold out in minutes.
It is perhaps hard to understand now, but at that time, in this place, the Marxist vision of world solidarity as translated by the Communist Party induced in the most ordinary of men and women a sense of one’s own humanity that ran deep, made life feel large; large and clarified. It was to this clarity of inner being that so many became not only attached, but addicted. No reward of life, no love nor fame nor wealth, could compete with the experience. It was this all-in-allness of world and self that, all too often, made of the Communists true believers who could not face up to the police state corruption at the heart of their faith, even when a 3-year-old could see that it was eating itself alive.
I was 20 years old in February 1956 when Nikita Khrushchev addressed the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party and revealed to the world the incalculable horror of Stalin’s rule. Night after night the people at my father’s kitchen table raged or wept or sat staring into space. I was beside myself with youthful rage. “Lies!” I screamed at them. “Lies and treachery and murder. And all in the name of socialism! In the name of socialism!” Confused and heartbroken, they pleaded with me to wait and see, this couldn’t be the whole truth, it simply couldn’t be. But it was.
The 20th Congress report brought with it political devastation for the organized left around the world. Within weeks of its publication, 30,000 people in this country quit the party, and within the year it was as it had been in its 1919 beginnings: a small sect on the American political map.
The effective life of the Communist Party in the United States was approximately 40 years in length. Hundreds of thousands of Americans were Communists at one time or another during those 40 years. Many of these people endured social isolation, financial and professional ruin, and even imprisonment. They were two generations of Americans whose lives were formed by political history as were no other American lives save those of the original Revolutionists. History is in them — and they are in history.
Correction: May 1, 2017
An earlier version of this essay misstated the month of Nikita Khrushchev’s address to the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. It was February 1956, not April.

On the Power of Being Awful




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A rally in Harrisburg, Pa., where President Trump spoke on Saturday. Credit Al Drago/The New York Times

The 100-day reviews are in, and they’re terrible. The health care faceplants just keep coming; the administration’s tax “plan” offers less detail than most supermarket receipts; Trump has wimped out on his promises to get aggressive on foreign trade. The gap between big boasts and tiny achievements has never been wider.
Yet there have, by my count, been seven thousand news articles — O.K., it’s a rough estimate — about how Trump supporters are standing by their man, are angry at those meanies in the news media, and would gladly vote for him all over again. What’s going on?
The answer, I’d suggest, lies buried in the details of the latest report on gross domestic product. No, really.
For the past few months, economists who track short-term developments have been noting a peculiar divergence between “soft” and “hard” data. Soft data are things like surveys of consumer and business confidence; hard data are things like actual retail sales. Normally these data tell similar stories (which is why the soft data are useful as a sort of early warning system for the coming hard data). Since the 2016 election, however, the two kinds of data have diverged, with reported confidence surging — and, yes, a bump in stocks — but no real sign of a pickup in economic activity.
The funny thing about that confidence surge, however, was that it was very much along partisan lines — a sharp decline among Democrats, but a huge rise among Republicans. This raises the obvious question: Were those reporting a huge increase in optimism really feeling that much better about their economic prospects, or were they simply using the survey as an opportunity to affirm the rightness of their vote?
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Well, if consumers really are feeling super-confident, they’re not acting on those feelings. The first-quarter G.D.P. report, showing growth slowing to a crawl, wasn’t as bad as it looks: Technical issues involving inventories and seasonal adjustment (you don’t want to know) mean that underlying growth was probably O.K., though not great. But consumer spending was definitely sluggish.
The evidence, in other words, suggests that when Trump voters say they’re highly confident, it’s more a declaration of their political identity than an indication of what they’re going to do, or even, maybe, what they really believe.
May I suggest that focus groups and polls of Trump voters are picking up something similar?
One basic principle I’ve learned in my years at The Times is that almost nobody ever admits being wrong about anything — and the wronger they were, the less willing they are to concede error. For example, when Bloomberg surveyed a group of economists who had predicted that Ben Bernanke’s policies would cause runaway inflation, they literally couldn’t find a single person willing to admit, after years of low inflation, having been mistaken.
Now think about what it means to have voted for Trump. The news media spent much of the campaign indulging in an orgy of false equivalence; nonetheless, most voters probably got the message that the political/media establishment considered Trump ignorant and temperamentally unqualified to be president. So the Trump vote had a strong element of: “Ha! You elites think you’re so smart? We’ll show you!”
Now, sure enough, it turns out that Trump is ignorant and temperamentally unqualified to be president. But if you think his supporters will accept this reality any time soon, you must not know much about human nature. In a perverse way, Trump’s sheer awfulness offers him some political protection: His supporters aren’t ready, at least so far, to admit that they made that big a mistake.
Also, to be fair, so far Trumpism hasn’t had much effect on daily life. In fact, Trump’s biggest fails have involved what hasn’t happened, not what has. So it’s still fairly easy for those so inclined to dismiss the bad reports as media bias.
Sooner or later, however, this levee is going to break.
I chose that metaphor advisedly. I’m old enough to remember when George W. Bush was wildly popular — and while his numbers gradually deflated from their post 9/11 high, it was a slow process. What really pushed his former supporters to reconsider, as I perceived it — and this perception is borne out by polling — was the Katrina debacle, in which everyone could see the Bush administration’s callousness and incompetence playing out live on TV.
What will Trump’s Katrina moment look like? Will it be the collapse of health insurance due to administration sabotage? A recession this White House has no idea how to handle? A natural disaster or public health crisis? One way or another, it’s coming.
Oh, and one more note: By 2006, a majority of those polled claimed to have voted for John Kerry in 2004. It will be interesting, a couple of years from now, to see how many people say they voted for Donald Trump.

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