Fisk: Protesters' Plan for the Future

On a day of drama and confusion in Cairo, opponents of the Mubarak regime propose a new kind of politics.
Caged yesterday inside a new army cordon of riot-visored troops and coils of barbed wire – the very protection which Washington had demanded for the protesters of Tahrir Square – the tens of thousands of young Egyptians demanding Hosni Mubarak's overthrow have taken the first concrete political steps to create a new nation to replace the corrupt government which has ruled them for 30 years.

Sitting on filthy pavements, amid the garbage and broken stones of a week of
street fighting, they have drawn up a list of 25 political personalities to
negotiate for a new political leadership and a new constitution to replace
Mubarak's crumbling regime.

They include Amr Moussa, the secretary general of the Arab League – himself a
trusted Egyptian; the Nobel prize-winner Ahmed Zuwail, an Egyptian-American
who has advised President Barack Obama; Mohamed Selim Al-Awa, a professor
and author of Islamic studies who is close to the Muslim Brotherhood; and
the president of the Wafd party, Said al-Badawi.

Other nominees for the committee, which was supposed to meet the Egyptian
Vice-President, Omar Suleiman, within 24 hours, are Nagib Suez, a prominent
Cairo businessman (involved in the very mobile phone systems shut down by
Mubarak last week); Nabil al-Arabi, an Egyptian UN delegate; and even the
heart surgeon Magdi Yacoub, who now lives in Cairo.

The selection – and the makeshift committee of Tahrir Square demonstrators and
Facebook and Twitter "electors" – has not been confirmed, but it
marks the first serious attempt to turn the massive street protests of the
past seven days into a political machine that provides for a future beyond
the overthrow of the much-hated President. The committee's first tasks would
be to draw up a new Egyptian constitution and an electoral system that would
prevent the president-for-life swindle which Mubarak's fraudulent elections
have created. Instead, Egyptian presidents would be limited to two
consecutive terms of office, and the presidential term itself would be
reduced from six to four years.

But no one involved in this initiative has any doubts of the grim future that
awaits them if their brave foray into practical politics fails. There was
more sniping into Tahrir Square during the night – an engineer, a lawyer and
another young man were killed – and plain-clothes police were again
discovered in the square. There were further minor stone-throwing battles
during the day, despite the vastly increased military presence, and most of
the protesters fear that if they leave the square they will immediately be
arrested, along with their families, by Mubarak's cruel state security
apparatus.

Already, there are dark reports of demonstrators who dared to return home and
disappeared. The Egyptian writer Mohamed Fadel Fahmy, who is involved in the
committee discussions, is fearful for himself. "We're safe as long as
we have the square," he said to me yesterday, urging me to publish his
name as a symbol of the freedom he demands. "If we lose the square,
Mubarak will arrest all the opposition groups – and there will be police
rule as never before. That's why we are fighting for our lives."

The state security police now have long lists of names of protesters who have
given television interviews or been quoted in newspapers, Facebook postings
and tweets.

The protesters have identified growing divisions between the Egyptian army and
the thugs of the interior ministry, whose guards exchanged fire with
soldiers three days ago as they continued to occupy the building in which
basement torture chambers remain undamaged by the street fighting. These
were the same rooms of horror to which America's "renditioned"
prisoners were sent for "special" treatment at the hands of
Mubarak's more sadistic torturers – another favour which bound the Egyptian
regime to the United States as a "trusted" ally.

Another young man involved in the committee selections admitted he didn't
trust Omar Suleiman, the former spy boss and Israeli-Palestinian negotiator
whom Mubarak appointed this week. Suleiman it is, by the way, who has been
trying to shuffle responsibility for the entire crisis on to the foreign
press – a vicious as well as dishonest way of exercising his first days of
power. Yet he has cleverly outmanoeuvred the demonstrators in Tahrir Square
by affording them army protection.

Indeed, yesterday morning, to the shock of all of us standing on the western
side of the square, a convoy of 4x4s with blackened windows suddenly emerged
from the gardens of the neighbouring Egyptian Museum, slithered to a halt in
front of us and was immediately surrounded by a praetorian guard of
red-bereted soldiers and massive – truly gigantic – security guards in
shades and holding rifles with telescopic sights. Then, from the middle
vehicle emerged the diminutive, bespectacled figure of Field Marshal Mohamed
Hussein Tantawi, the chief of staff of the Egyptian army and a lifelong
friend of Mubarak, wearing a soft green military kepi and general's
cross-swords insignia on his shoulders.

Here was a visitor to take the breath away, waving briefly to the protesters
who crowded the military cordon to witness this extraordinary arrival. The
crowd roared. "The Egyptian army is our army," they shouted in
unison. "But Mubarak is not ours." It was a message for Tantawi to
take back to his friend Mubarak, but his visit was itself a powerful
political symbol. However much Mubarak may rave about "foreign hands"
behind the demands for his overthrow, and however many lies Suleiman may
tell about foreign journalists, Tantawi was showing that the army took its
mission to protect the demonstrators seriously. The recent military
statement that it would never fire on those who wish to dethrone Mubarak,
since their grievances were "legitimate", was authorised by
Tantawi. Hence the demonstrators' belief – however naïve and dangerous – in
the integrity of the military.

Crucially missing from the list of figures proposed for the committee are
Mohamed ElBaradei, the former UN arms inspectors and Nobel laureate, and
members of the Muslim Brotherhood, the "Islamist" spectre which
Mubarak and the Israelis always dangled in front of the Americans to
persuade them to keep old Mubarak in power. The Brotherhood's insistence in
not joining talks until Mubarak's departure – and their support for
ElBaradei, whose own faint presidential ambitions (of the "transitional"
kind) have not commended themselves to the protesters – effectively excluded
them. Suleiman has archly invited the Brotherhood to meet him, knowing that
they will not do so until Mubarak has gone.

But al-Awa's proposed presence on the committee – and that of the Islamist
intellectual Ahmed Kamel Abu Magd – will ensure that their views are
included in any discussions with Suleiman. These talks would also cover
civil and constitutional rights and a special clause to allow Suleiman to
rule Egypt temporarily because "the President is unable to perform his
duties".

Mubarak would be allowed to live privately in Egypt providing he played no
part – publicly or covertly – in the political life of the country. He is
regarded as a still-fierce opponent who will not hesitate to decapitate the
opposition should he hang on to power.

"He is one of the old school, like Saddam and Arafat, who in the last two
days has shown his true face," another committee supporter said
yesterday. "He is the man behind the attacks on us and the shooting
deaths." Mohamed Fahmy knows what this means. His own father has been
in exile from Egypt for seven years – after proposing identical protests to
those witnessed today to get rid of the Mubarak empire.


The Independent